Orbanism

During the 2010 Hungarian election, vestiges of Orbanism emerged as Victor Orbán became increasingly challenged by the older liberal politicians, intellectuals, and the media elite who attempted to influence policymaking. There was also the SZDSZ’s coalition with the post-communist MSZP, led by Gyula Horn. In response, Orbán eschewed liberalism in favor of conservatism.^[1] He then shifted to a more populist direction and sought to build an ideology that is based on Hungarian reality, identity, and history.^[1] He has avowed contempt for “corruption, sex, and violence.”^[2] A core component of Orbanism is its embrace and defense of Christian democracy and values. Orban, himself, called the ideology as a Christian project.^[3] He pursues it through his Fidesz political party.

Orbanism abandons liberal methods and principles in organizing society.^[2] Some sources describe it as a system that is close to autocracy although it is still in line with EU norms.^[2] Essentially, it is a philosophy that seeks to maximize the power of the government. To achieve this, it maintains that escalation is expected from the beginning.^[4][5]

Orbanism’s innovation is said to have stemmed from its success in combining American-style self-confidence with a politics of indignation. It has been described as an ideology that emerged from Europe edges, characterized by a confrontational style and strong leadership. Orban described this as more stable in comparison with European liberalism, which he characterized as a system that has morphed into a tyranny of political correctness and mainstream politics. According to Orban, “it is not a simple sum of individuals, but a community that needs to be organized, strengthened, and developed” into an “illiberal state”.^[2]

In Orbanism, the civil society’s role is diminished in favor of a strong state. In 2024, for instance, the Sovereignty Protection Authority, a new governmental body with sweeping investigative powers, started rooting out foreign influence in politics, academia, and the media.^[6] This is also seen in the government’s policy towards the media. An advisor to Fidesz explained the philosophy, stating that “positive discrimination promoting the representation of right values in the press is morally justified” as these are suppressed under socialism.^[7]

Orbanism, as a political movement, also renews the language of populism so that it is deployed from the position of the government.^[8] Orban is known for his controversial rhetoric such as his criticism of the mixing of European and non-European races.^[9] The reference to history in Orbanism can be demonstrated in the way it upholds certain events in Hungarian society such as the Holy Crown or Horthy’s regime and also in the approach of the idea of nation as exclusive. Orban’s policy has emphasized national sovereignty and consistently opposed external interference in Hungarian affairs.^[10]

Orbanism’s take on economic policy has been described as ideologically complex and unorthodox. It is a combination of neo-liberal elements, which include flat tax, drastic social security tax, the total delegation of social responsibilities to the local governments, and austerity in the education system, among others. These are mixed with populist elements (e.g. administrative cuts in household expenses) and state intervention (e.g. market regulation, nationalization, and state monopolies).^[10] Orban’s vision includes the so-called “workfare” society, which is illiberal in nature and is patterned after the examples set by Russia, China, and Turkey.^[11]

In terms of foreign policy, Orbanism favors a militaristic philosophy. The goal is to operationalize the interests of the Hungarian people.^[10] It is based on the “revolutionary government” idea, where the government protects the people against enemies and these include immigrants, the elites, and foreign powers, among others.^[5] Orbanism also repeatedly clash with the European Union position, particularly on Ukraine and migration.^[12]

Orbanism has been compared with Gaullism due to its similarities. For instance, both political movements are anti-liberal and they also attempted to create a direct link with the people by circumventing the Parliament. They also tried to limit the capacity of independent bodies to control the actions of the government.^[10] There is also the element of national grandeur. De Gaulle held that “France cannot be France without greatness.” Orban also echoed this when he told US diplomats that “it’s not complicated – we are telling the people that we will restore the nation’s greatness.”^[13]

In contrast to de Gaulle’s ideology, Orbanism is seen as less coherent since it does not widen the margin of maneuver of the executive largely because of the Hungarian basic law, which frequently uses the two-thirds super majority rule. For instance, to create and modify the income tax bracket, two-thirds of the Parliament is required for its approval.^[10] There is also the case of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, which has the power to challenge the constitutionality of legislative action such as the amendment to the constitution.^[14]

Orbanism has found favor among conservatives in the United States. His “illiberalism” or opposition to liberal democracy appealed to those who fear demographic decline and the displacement of Christian values.^[15] The ideology was featured in August 2021 in Tucker Carlson’s show. According to Carlson, Orbanism is a positive example for Americans as a system based on political will, demonstrating how a country based on traditional values, national identity, and Christian traditions can be successful.^[8]

There are critics who explain that Orbanism is merely characterized by three main features. The first is the maximization of personal power and control more than any specific ideological commitment or vision. Second, Orban adopts different ideological standpoints as and when necessary. Finally, there is the rejection of consensus through deliberation and politics is treated as a zero-sum game. This view dismisses Orbanism as an ideological movement but a systematic project designed to expand Orban’s personal power.^[16]