Thirteen Days (film)

In October 1962, U-2 aerial surveillance photos reveal that the Soviet Union is placing intermediate-range ballistic missiles carrying nuclear weapons in Cuba. President John F. Kennedy and his advisers must come up with a plan to prevent their activation. Kennedy wants to show that the United States will not allow a missile threat. The Joint Chiefs of Staff advise military strikes against the missile sites followed by an invasion of Cuba. Kennedy is reluctant to this because it would likely cause the Soviets to invade Berlin, which could lead to an all-out war. Kennedy sees an analogy to the events that started World War I, where the tactics of both sides' commanders had not evolved since the previous war and were obsolete, only this time nuclear weapons are involved. War appears to be almost inevitable.

The Kennedy administration tries to find a solution that will remove the missiles but avoid an act of war. They reject a blockade, as this is formally regarded as an act of war, and settle on what they publicly describe as a quarantine. They announce that the U.S. naval forces will stop all ships entering Cuban waters and inspect them to verify they are not carrying weapons. The Soviet Union sends mixed messages in response. Off the shores of Cuba, the Soviet ships turn back from the quarantine lines. Spy plane pictures continue to be ordered, but one of Kennedy's top advisers, Kenneth O'Donnell, calls the pilots to ensure they do not report that they were shot at or fired upon, because if they were, the country would be forced to retaliate under the rules of engagement.

John A. Scali, a reporter with ABC News, is contacted by Soviet "emissary" Aleksandr Fomin, and through this back-channel communication method the Soviets offer to remove the missiles in exchange for public assurances that the U.S. will never invade Cuba. A long message in the same tone as the informal communication from Fomin, apparently written personally by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, is received. This is followed by a second, more hard line cable in which the Soviets offer a deal involving U.S removal of its Jupiter missiles from Turkey. The Kennedy administration interprets the second as a response from the Politburo, and decides to ignore it and respond to the message assumed to be from Khrushchev. There are several mis-steps during the crisis: the defense readiness level of Strategic Air Command (SAC) is raised to DEFCON 2 (one step shy of maximum readiness for imminent war), without informing Kennedy; a U.S. nuclear weapon test proceeds (Bluegill Triple Prime) and a routine test launch of a U.S. offensive missile is also carried out without the President's knowledge.

In a bid for time while under pressure from the military for an immediate strike, President Kennedy authorizes attacks on the missile sites and an invasion of Cuba, to commence the following Monday. An Air Force U-2 reconnaissance plane is sent over Cuba to gather intelligence for the attack, but is shot down, killing the pilot. After much deliberation with the Executive Committee of the National Security Council, Kennedy makes a final attempt to avoid a war by sending his brother Robert to meet with Soviet ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin on Friday night. Bobby reiterates the demand that the Soviets remove their missiles from Cuba, and in return promises not to invade or assist in the invasion of Cuba. Dobrynin insists that the U.S. must also remove all Jupiter missiles from Turkey, on the border of the Soviet Union. Bobby says that a quid pro quo is not possible, but in exchange for Khrushchev removing the missiles from Cuba, there will be a secret understanding that the U.S. will remove all of its "obsolete" missiles from Turkey within six months as part of a pre-scheduled plan. The Soviets announce on Sunday that they will remove their missiles from Cuba, averting a war that could have escalated to the use of nuclear weapons. President Kennedy later dictates a letter of condolence to the family of the reconnaissance pilot, Rudolf Anderson, who was shot down over Cuba as part of the preparations for the invasion.

• Kenny O’Donnell: Frank Glaubrecht
• John F. Kennedy: Sigmar Solbach
• Robert F. Kennedy: Christian Weygand
• Robert McNamara: Ulrich Frank
• Adlai Stevenson: Horst Sachtleben
• Dean Rusk: Erich Ludwig
• McGeorge Bundy: Stephan Hoffmann
• Maxwell Taylor: Hartmut Neugebauer
• Curtis LeMay: Rainer Basedow
• George Anderson: Norbert Gastell
• Marshall Carter: Ulf J. Söhmisch
• Ted Sorenson: Frank Röth
• Dean Acheson: Fred Maire
• William Ecker: Oliver Stritzel
• John McCone: Reinhard Glemnitz
• Rudolph Anderson: Florian Halm
• Captain der USS Pierce: Walter von Hauff
• Helen O’Donnell: Bettina Redlich
• John Scali: Leon Rainer
• Walter Sheridan: Michael Schwarzmaier^[4]

The film was co-produced by several studios, including New Line Cinema, Kevin Costner's Tig Productions and Armyan Bernstein's Beacon Pictures.

The Department of Defense co-operated to some extent by allowing the producers to film on several bases. To keep the film "in period," filming took place on ships from the time of the crisis that still existed in the active fleet (USS Enterprise) and ships that are preserved as museums (USS Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr.). Aircraft (both a preserved F-8 Crusader and Lockheed U-2 spyplane were featured) that still exist from the period were refurbished to appear operational as well. The RF-8 Crusader (and an F-5) and the scenes of Cuba were shot in the Philippines. The air base scene was taken at Clark Air Base, Philippines, a former American facility, which substituted for NAS Key West, Florida, where the actual RF-8As of Light Photographic Squadron SIX TWO (VFP-62) launched from on their Cuban overflight missions. At the time of the shooting, the F-8 was still in the inventory of the Philippine Air Force but was no longer operational. The F-5 was retired in 2005.^{[citation needed]}

The Department of Defense attempted to get the film to change its portrayal of the US military, which they believed portrayed it in a negative light. When the producers refused military assistance was denied.^[5]

The film was released in the United States by New Line Cinema, with Canadian distribution handled by Alliance Atlantis. Buena Vista International's Buena Vista Film Sales handled the international sales of the film, with BVI self-distributing in the United Kingdom.^[6]

The film was given a limited theatrical release on Christmas Day 2000, and a wide release on January 12, 2001, with a staggered release to various countries throughout most of the year. The film grossed $66,579,890 worldwide against a production budget of $80 million.^[3]

Rotten Tomatoes reports that 83% of 124 critics have given the film positive reviews, with an average rating of 7.2/10. The website's consensus states: "Thirteen Days offers a compelling look at the Cuban Missile Crisis, and its talented cast deftly portrays the real-life people who were involved."^[7] Metacritic, which assigns a rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream film critics, gives Thirteen Days a score of 67, based on 31 reviews, indicating "generally favorable reviews".^[8] Audiences surveyed by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "A−" on an A+ to F scale.^[9]

Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave Thirteen Days a rating of 3 stars out of 4, and said "The movie's taut, flat style is appropriate for a story that is more about facts and speculation than about action. Kennedy and his advisers study high-altitude photos and intelligence reports, and wonder if Khrushchev's word can be trusted. Everything depends on what they decide. The movie shows men in unknotted ties and shirt-sleeves, grasping coffee cups or whiskey glasses and trying to sound rational while they are at some level terrified...[T]hings might not have happened exactly like this, but it sure did feel like they did."^[10]

Some former Kennedy administration officials and contemporary historians, including Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Special Counsel Ted Sorensen, and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, criticized the film for the depiction of Special Assistant Kenneth O'Donnell as chief motivator of Kennedy and others during the crisis.^[11] Prior to seeing the movie, McNamara reacted to the premise in a PBS NewsHour interview: "For God's sakes, Kenny O'Donnell didn't have any role whatsoever in the missile crisis; he was a political appointment secretary to the President; that's absurd".^[12]

According to McNamara, the duties performed by O'Donnell in the film were closer to the role Sorensen played during the actual crisis: "It was not Kenny O'Donnell who pulled us all together—it was Ted Sorensen." After seeing the movie McNamara remarked that while he still thought the filmmakers took some creative liberties with certain characters, he ultimately thought that it was a reasonable historical portrayal of the crisis: "I think it's an absolutely fascinating portrayal and a very constructive and responsible portrayal of a very, very serious crisis not only in the history of this nation but in the history of the world".^[12]

Kenny O'Donnell's son, the venture capitalist Kevin O'Donnell, bought back controlling interest in the production company Beacon Pictures in 1999 alongside earlier founder Armyan Bernstein. Kevin and Beacon Pictures have denied any undue influence on the screenplay portrayals of the released Thirteen Days the next year.^[13][14]

Costner traveled to Cuba in 2001 to screen the film for Fidel Castro, saying at a press conference, "It was an experience of a lifetime to sit only a few feet away from him and watch him relive an experience he lived as a very young man."^[15]

The DVD and VHS was released on July 10, 2001. The DVD release marked the debut for New Line Home Entertainment's Infinifilm label.^[16]

• Cultural depictions of John F. Kennedy
• Robert F. Kennedy in media
• Vought F-8 Crusader

• Thirteen Days at IMDb
• Thirteen Days in 145 minutes – commentary by Ernest R. May, Harvard professor who wrote the book on which it was based, on the accuracy of the movie
• White House Museum - How accurate was the movie recreation of the architecture and floor plan of the actual White House (review)
• "The 34 best political movies ever made", Ann Hornaday, The Washington Post Jan. 23, 2020), ranked #18