Talk:Politics of El Salvador

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Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 06:52, 17 January 2022 (UTC)Reply

The government section of the "Outline of El Salvador" needs to be checked, corrected, and completed -- especially the subsections for the government branches.

When the country outlines were created, temporary data (that matched most of the countries but not all) was used to speed up the process. Those countries for which the temporary data does not match must be replaced with the correct information.

Please check that this country's outline is not in error.

If you have any questions or comments, please contact The Transhumanist .

Thank you

Old information. Pasted here in case someone wants to check that they are included in other articles. Scarykitty (talk) 03:06, 5 July 2009 (UTC)Reply

{{Salvadoran presidential election, 2004}}

{{Salvadoran legislative election, 2006}} The Nationalist Republican Alliance party, known popularly as ARENA (Spanish: Alianza Republicana Nacionalista), is El Salvador's leading political party. It was created in 1982 by Major Roberto D'Aubuisson and others from the right wing, including members of the military. His electoral fortunes were diminished by credible reports that he was involved in organized political violence, including ordering the assassination of Archbishop Óscar Romero in 1980 and organizing governmental death squads. Following the 1984 presidential election, ARENA began reaching out to more moderate individuals and groups, particularly in the private sector. By 1989, ARENA had attracted the support of business groups, and Alfredo Cristiani won the presidency. Despite efforts at reform, José Napoleón Duarte's PDC administration had failed to either end the insurgency or improve the economy. Allegations of corruption, poor relations with the private sector, and historically low prices for the nation's main agricultural exports also contributed to ARENA victories in the 1988 legislative and 1989 presidential elections.

The 1989–1994 Cristiani administration's successes in achieving a peace agreement to end the civil war and in improving the nation's economy helped ARENA, led by standard-bearer Armando Calderón Sol, keep both the presidency and a working majority in the Legislative Assembly in the 1994 elections. ARENA's legislative position was weakened in the 1997 elections, but it recovered its strength, helped by divisions in the opposition, in time for another victory in the 1999 presidential race that brought President Francisco Flores to office. In the March 2000 legislative and municipal elections, ARENA won 29 seats in the Legislative Assembly and 127 mayoral races.

In December 1992, the FMLN became a political party, composed of the political factions of the wartime guerrilla movement, and maintained a united front during the 1994 electoral campaign. The FMLN also came in second in the legislative assembly races. Internal political differences, however, among the FMLN's constituent parties led to the breakaway of two of the FMLN's original five factions after the 1994 elections. Despite the defections, the FMLN was able to consolidate its remaining factions and present itself as a viable option to ARENA in the 1997 elections. Divisions between "orthodox" and "reformist" wings of the FMLN crippled the party in the 1999 elections. In the March 2000 legislative and municipal elections, FMLN received 31 seats on the Legislative Assembly, which is three more than rival party ARENA. FMLN also won 77 mayorships and won 10 municipalities in coalition with other parties. The right wing of the National Conciliation Party (PCN), which ruled the country in alliance with the military from the 1960s until 1979, maintains a small electoral base, and gained 10 seats in the March 2000 legislative election. Several smaller parties have in recent years fought for space in the political center with limited success. The PDC, which won more municipal elections in 1994 than did the FMLN, is now down to five seats in the Legislative Assembly and is no longer a significant electoral force.

The following are a couple of spots which stand out as potential areas for refining this specific article: - The first sentence of the introduction is a bit unclear, specifically "and of an executive power is exercised by the government." Additionally, more detail would ensure readers receive a more comprehensive general overview. - The section "political culture" should be update to reflect the recent emergence of a third party in the latest Salvadoran election. A map would aid in depicting where supporters for each party generally live. - Additional references for each major section, as only the introduction currently has citations. This comment is intended as constructive for the benefit of this article. -Ddegenhart (talk) 01:50, 6 September 2019 (UTC)Reply

Looked at the sources for the constitutional courts decision:

'In its ruling, the court said a sitting head of state could seek re-election for a second term as long as they have not "been president during the immediately preceding period".'

What does this even mean? Criticalthinker (talk) 11:16, 21 January 2024 (UTC)Reply

Okay, I think I may have figured this out, and perhaps I was overthinking it because of how absurd it is? Reading the Sentencia de la Sala de lo Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia sobre la reelección presidencial en El Salvador on Spanish language wikipedia, it really just seems to be saying that the court interpreted 1. "período inmediato anterior" to mean not the period immediately preceding that of whoever becomes president in the next election, but the period immediately preceding the current president. Which seems crazy, right? and then 2. they throw a bone to people who'd obviously see this as plainly ridiculous on its face by upholding the "dentro de los últimos seis meses anteriores al inicio del período presidencial" provision by requiring the incumbent president to step down in that period to maintain his/her eligibility as a candidate. Does this sound correct? In any case, again, someone fluent in the Spanish language should add to this page - and the article on President of El Salvador - the court's interpretation of the constitution that allowed this provision for immediate re-election.--Criticalthinker (talk) 10:02, 29 March 2024 (UTC)Reply

Related note in article Nayib Bukele: On leave from public service from 1 December 2023 to 31 May 2024, "without removing the investiture and quality of president" (Legislative Decree No. 901, published in the Official Gazette No. 225, Volume No. 441, as of 30 November 2023).^[1]

Seems the word "filled" in the constitution has been creatively interpreted. HudecEmil (talk) 21:43, 6 February 2024 (UTC)Reply