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IQ and the Wealth of Nations

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IQ and the Wealth of Nations
IQ and the Wealth of Nations cover
AuthorRichard Lynn
Tatu Vanhanen
LanguageEnglish
PublisherPraeger/Greenwood
Publication date
2002

IQ and the Wealth of Nations is a controversial 2002 book by Dr. Richard Lynn, Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Ulster, Northern Ireland, and Dr. Tatu Vanhanen, Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland.[1] The book argues that differences in national income (in the form of per capita gross domestic product) correlate with differences in the average national intelligence quotient (IQ). The authors further argue that differences in average national IQs is one important factor, but not the only one, contributing to differences in national wealth and rates of economic growth. Critical responses have included questioning the methodology and incomplete data as well as the conclusions.[2][3] The 2006 book IQ and Global Inequality is a follow-up to IQ and the Wealth of Nations by the same authors. Several other data sets of estimated average national cognitive ability exist as explained in nations and intelligence.

Outline

The central thesis of IQ and the Wealth of Nations is that the average IQ of a nation correlates with its GDP.[1] Above is a scatter plot with Lynn and Vanhanen's calculated IQ values (without estimates) and GDP data.[4] Data from Table 7.7 in the book – Real GDP per capita 1998, and IQ. Residual real GDP, and Fitted real GDP columns not displayed. Table 7.7 in the book titled, "The Results of the Regression Analysis in which Real GDP Per Capita 1998 is Used as The Dependent Variable and National IQ is Used as the Independent Variable for 81 countries".

The book includes the authors' calculation of average IQ scores for 81 countries, based on their analysis of published reports. It reports their observation that national IQ correlates with gross domestic product per capita at 0.82, and with the rate of economic growth from 1950–1990 at 0.64.

The authors believe that average IQ differences between nations are due to both genetic and environmental factors. They also believe that low GDP can cause low IQ, just as low IQ can cause low GDP. (See: Positive feedback)

The authors write that it is the ethical responsibility of rich, high-IQ nations to financially assist poor, low-IQ nations, as it is the responsibility of rich citizens to assist the poor.

National IQ estimates

National IQ estimates from IQ and the Wealth of Nations 2002[5]

Central to the book's thesis is a tabulation of what Lynn and Vanhanen believe to be the average IQs of the world's nations. Rather than do their own IQ studies (a potentially massive project), the authors average and adjust existing studies.

For 104 of the 185 nations, no studies were available. In those cases, the authors have used an estimated value by taking averages of the IQs of neighboring or comparable nations. For example, the authors arrived at a figure of 84 for El Salvador by averaging their calculations of 79 for Guatemala and 88 for Colombia. Including those estimated IQs, the correlation of IQ and GDP is 0.62.

To obtain a figure for South Africa, the authors averaged IQ studies done on different ethnic groups, resulting in a figure of 72. The figures for Colombia, Peru, and Singapore were arrived at in a similar manner.

In some cases, the IQ of a country is estimated by averaging the IQs of countries that are not actually neighbors of the country in question. For example, Kyrgyzstan's IQ is estimated by averaging the IQs of Iran and Turkey, neither of which is close to Kyrgyzstan—China, which is a geographic neighbor, is not counted as such by Lynn and Vanhanen. This is presumably because the ethnic groups of the area speak Iranian and Turkic languages, but do not include Chinese.

To account for the Flynn effect (an increase in IQ scores over time), the authors adjusted the results of older studies upward by a number of points.

IQ estimates given in the book

Special cases

In several cases the actual GDP did not correspond with that predicted by IQ. In these cases, the authors argued that differences in GDP were caused by differences in natural resources and whether the nation used a "planned" or "market" economy.

One example of this was Qatar, whose IQ was estimated by Lynn and Vanhanen to be about 78, yet had a disproportionately high per capita GDP of roughly USD $17,000. The authors explain Qatar's disproportionately high GDP by its high petroleum resources. Similarly, the authors think that large resources of diamonds explain the economic growth of the African nation Botswana, the fastest in the world for several decades.

The authors argued that the People's Republic of China's per capita GDP of roughly USD $4,500 could be explained by its use of a communist economic system for much of its recent history. The authors also predicted that communist nations whom they believe have comparatively higher IQs, including the PRC, Vietnam, and North Korea, can be expected to gain GDP by moving from centrally-planned to market economic systems, while predicting continued poverty for African nations. Recent trends in the economy of the People's Republic of China and Vietnam seem to confirm this prediction, as China's GDP has grown rapidly since introducing market reforms. South Korea has a higher average IQ and a market economy. However, South Korea still has a lower GDP/Capita than many Western nations (but relatively high overall), but South Korean economic reform started in the early 1960s and it is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. Still, South Korea went from amongst the poorest nations in the world to an advanced economy by recording one of the fastest growth rates in the world. Despite a supposedly higher average IQ and a market economy since the Meiji Restoration in 1867, Japan still has a lower GDP/Capita than many Western nations.

As is normal for books, IQ and the Wealth of Nations was not peer-reviewed before publication. However, it was published by Praeger, a publisher of scholarly and professional books. The book's authors have published many peer-reviewed articles the topics of this book, over a 30-year period.[6] Also, peer-reviewed articles have used the IQ scores presented in the book, while a significant number have commented on the major premises of the book.

Thomas Volken, a sociologist at the University of Zurich, wrote that the study is "neither methodologically nor theoretically convincing." Although critical of the IQ data, for the sake of argument Volken assumes that the data are correct but then criticizes the statistical methods used, finding no effect on growth or income.[7] However, using the same starting point, American economists Jones and Schneider (2006) show that IQ is a statistically significant explanatory variable of economic growth. Each 1 point increase in a nation’s average IQ is associated with a persistent increase in GDP per capita.[8]

Erich Weede and Sebastian Kampf wrote that "there is one clear and robust result: average IQ does promote growth."[9] Edward Miller wrote that "the theory helps significantly to explain why some countries are rich and some poor."[10] Michael Palairet wrote that "Lynn and Vanhanen have launched a powerful challenge to economic historians and development economists who prefer not to use IQ as an analytical input."[11] In a reanalysis of the Lynn and Vanhanen's hypothesis, Dickerson (2006) finds that IQ and GDP data is best fitted by an exponential function, with IQ explaining approximately 70% of the variation in GDP. Dickerson concludes that as a rough approximation "an increase of 10 points in mean IQ results in a doubling of the per capita GDP."[12]

Whetzel and McDaniel (2006) conclude that the book's "results regarding the relationship between IQ, democracy and economic freedom are robust". Moreover, they address "criticisms concerning the measurement of IQ in purportedly low IQ countries", finding that by setting "all IQ scores below 90 to equal 90, the relationship between IQ and wealth of nations remained strong and actually increased in magnitude." On this question they conclude that their findings "argue against claims made by some that inaccuracies in IQ estimation of low IQ countries invalidate conclusions about the relationship between IQ and national wealth."[13]

Voracek (2004) used the national IQ data to examine the relationship between intelligence and suicide, finding national IQ was positively correlated with national male and female suicide rates. The effect was not attenuated by controlling for GDP.[14]

Barber (2005) found that national IQ was associated with rates of secondary education enrollment, illiteracy, and agricultural employment. The effect on illiteracy and agricultural employment remained with national wealth, infant mortality, and geographic continent controlled.[15]

Both Lynn and Rushton have suggested that high IQ is associated with colder climates. To test this hypothesis, Templer and Arikawa (2006) compare the national IQ data from Lynn and Vanhanen with data sets that describe national average skin color and average winter and summer temperatures.They find that the strongest correlations to national IQ were −0.92 for skin color and −0.76 for average high winter temperature. They interpret this finding as strong support for IQ-climate association.[16]

Kanazawa (2006), "IQ and the wealth of states" (in press in Intelligence), replicates across U.S. states Lynn and Vanhanen's demonstration that national IQs strongly correlate with macroeconomic performance. Kanazawa finds that state cognitive ability scores, based on the SAT data, correlate moderately with state economic performance, explaining about a quarter of the variance in gross state product per capita.[17]

Hunt and Wittmann (in press) use data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) to conclude that "in spite of the weaknesses [in] several of their data points Lynn and Vanhanen's empirical conclusion was correct, but we question the simple explanation that national intelligence causes national wealth. We argue that the relationship is more complex".[18]

The book was followed by Lynn's 2006 Race Differences in Intelligence, which expands the data by nearly four times and concludes the average human IQ is presently 90 when compared to a norm of 100 based on UK data, or two thirds of a standard deviation below the UK norm, and Lynn and Vanhanen's 2006 IQ and Global Inequality.[19]

Criticism

Several negative reviews have been published in the scholarly literature. Susan Barnett and Wendy Williams wrote that "we see an edifice built on layer upon layer of arbitrary assumptions and selective data manipulation. The data on which the entire book is based are of questionable validity and are used in ways that cannot be justified." They also wrote that cross country comparisons are "virtually meaningless."[20] Ken Richardson wrote "This is not so much science, then, as a social crusade. The Pioneer Fund of America, champion of many dubious causes in the past, will obtain little credit from having assisted this one."[21] Thomas Nechyba wrote of "relatively weak statistical evidence and dubious presumptions."[22] Astrid Ervik asked "are people in rich countries smarter than those in poorer countries?" and concluded that "the authors fail to present convincing evidence and appear to jump to conclusions."[23]

Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs and Steel (1997), while obviously not mentioning the later published book by Lynn and Vanhanen, argues that historical differences in economic and technological development for different areas can be explained by differences in geography (which affects factors like population density and spread of new technology) and differences in available crops and domesticatable animals. Richard Nisbett argues in his 2004 The Geography of Thought that some of these regional differences shaped lasting cultural traits, such as the collectivism required by East Asian rice irrigation, compared with the individualism of ancient Greek herding, maritime mercantilism, and money crops wine and olive oil (pp. 34–35).

There is controversy about the definition and usage of IQ and intelligence. Also, it is generally agreed many environmental factors can affect measured IQ.[24] The authors agree on this, in particular for the importance of nutrition and health for IQ, but also more controversially argue for a large genetic contribution. See also race and intelligence.

Finally, the Flynn effect may well reduce or eliminate differences in IQ between nations in the future. Using the IQ values of today the average IQ of the US in 1932, according to the first Stanford-Binet standardization sample, was 80.[25] Some predict that considering that the Flynn effect started first in more affluent nations, it will also disappear first in these nations. Then the IQ gap between nations will diminish. Richardson (2004) argued, citing the Flynn effect as the best evidence, that Lynn has the causal connection backwards and suggested that "the average IQ of a population is simply an index of the size of its middle class, both of which are results of industrial development".[3] However, even assuming that the IQ difference will disappear among the babies born today, the differences will remain for decades simply because of the composition of the current workforce.[citation needed]

Criticism by economists

In a book review in the Journal of Economic Literature, a journal of the American Economic Association, Thomas J. Nechyba wrote that: "(the book's) sweeping conclusions based on relatively weak statistical evidence and dubious presumptions seem misguided at best and quite dangerous if taken seriously. It is therefore difficult to find much to recommend in this book."[26]

Writing in the Economic Journal, published on behalf of the Royal Economic Society, Astrid Oline Ervik states that while the book may be "thought provoking", there is nothing that economists can learn from it. She criticizes the book for a number of reasons; that the authors don't establish cross country comparability and reliability of IQ scores, that they rely on simple bivariate correlations, that they do not consider or control for other hypothesis, and that they confuse correlation with causation. The author states "The arguments put forward in the book to justify such (international IQ) comparisons seem at best vague and unconvincing. At worst, passages in the book appear to be biased and unscientific." and concludes that "the authors fail to present convincing evidence and appear to jump to conclusions."[27]

Criticism of data sets

The figures were obtained by taking equally-weighted averages of different IQ tests. The number of studies is very limited; the IQ figure is based on one study in 34 nations, two studies in 30 nations. There were actual tests for IQ in 81 nations. In 104 of the world's nations there were no IQ studies at all and IQ was estimated based on IQ in surrounding nations.[2]

Studies that were averaged together often used different methods of IQ testing, different scales for IQ values and/or were done decades apart. IQ in children is different although correlated with IQ later in life and many of the studies tested only young children.

The number of participants in some studies were limited. A test of 108 9-15-year olds in Barbados, of 50 13–16-year olds in Colombia, of 104 5–17-year olds in Ecuador, of 129 6–12-year olds in Egypt, of 48 10–14-year olds in Equatorial Guinea, and so on, all were taken as measures of 'national IQ'.[3]

Many nations are very heterogeneous ethnically. This is true for many developing countries. It is very doubtful that a sometimes limited number of participants from one or a few areas are representative for the population as whole.

The notion that there is such a thing as a culturally neutral intelligence test is disputed.[28][29][30][31][32] There are many difficulties when one is measuring IQ scores across cultures, and in multiple languages. Use of the same set of exams requires translation, with all its attendant difficulties and possible misunderstandings in other cultures.[33] To adapt to this, some IQ tests rely on non-verbal approaches, which involve pictures, diagrams, and conceptual relationships (such as in-out, great-small, and so on).

Denny Borsboom (2006) argues that mainstream contemporary test analysis does not reflect substantial recent developments in the field and "bears an uncanny resemblance to the psychometric state of the art as it existed in the 1950s." For example, it is argued that IQ and the Wealth of Nations, in order to show that the tests are unbiased, uses outdated methodology, if anything indicative that test bias exist.[34]

The national IQ of Ethiopia was estimated from a study done on 250 15-year-old Ethiopian Jews one year after their migration to Israel. The research compares their level of performance with native Israelis using progressive matrices tests. The results showed that the Ethiopians' level of performance was similar to that of the young Israeli children's group (ages 9–10). The study suggested that the low performance of the Ethiopian immigrants reflects cognitive delay rather than cognitive difference.[35] Lynn has criticized the study arguing that is contains a number of errors.[36] Girma Berhanu in an essay review of the book concentrated on the discussion of Ethiopian Jews. The review criticizes the principal assertion of the authors that differences in intelligence attributed to genetics account for the gap between rich and poor countries. Surveying related academic literature, the review suggests flaws in the methodology of Lynn and Vanhanen, and purports to expose the "racist, sexist and antihuman nature" of their underlying framework. Berhanu argues that "the low standards of scholarship evident in the book render it largely irrelevant for modern science".[37]

Criticism of score adjustments

As noted earlier, in many cases adjustments were made by authors to account for the Flynn effect or when the authors thought that the studies were not representative of the ethnic or social composition of the nation.

One critic writes: "Their scheme is to take the British Ravens IQ in 1979 as 100, and simply add or subtract 2 or 3 to the scores from other countries for each decade that the relevant date of test departs from that year. The assumptions of size, linearity and universal applicability of this correction across all countries are, of course, hugely questionable if not breathtaking. Flynn's original results were from only 14 (recently extended to twenty) industrialised nations, and even those gains varied substantially with test and country and were not linear. For example, recent studies report increases of eight points per decade among Danes; six points per decade in Spain; and 26 points over 14 years in Kenya (confirming the expectation that newly developing countries would show more rapid gains)."[3]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Lynn, R. and Vanhanen, T. (2002). IQ and the wealth of nations. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 0-275-97510-X
  2. ^ a b The Impact of National IQ on Income and Growth: A Critique of Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanens Recent Book by Thomas Volken
  3. ^ a b c d Book Review: IQ and the Wealth of Nations Heredity April 2004, Volume 92, Number 4, Pages 359–360. K Richardson.
  4. ^ a b c See Intelligence and the Wealth and Poverty of Nations by Richard Lynn
  5. ^ National IQs Based on the Results of Intelligence Tests
  6. ^ See, for example, the References section of Lynn, Richard and Tatu Vanhanen (2006). IQ and Global Inequality. Washington Summit Publishers, Augusta, Georgia. pp. 345-383.
  7. ^ IQ and the Wealth of Nations. A Critique of Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen's Recent Book, 2003, Thomas Volken, European Sociological Review Volume. 19, Issue 4, Pp. 411–412. Sociological Institute, University of Zurich, Andreasstrasse 15, CH-8050 Zurich, Switzerland http://esr.oxfordjournals.org/content/19/4/411.abstract
  8. ^ Garett Jones & W. Schneider, (2006). Intelligence, Human Capital, and Economic Growth: A Bayesian Averaging of Classical Estimates (BACE) Approach. Journal of Economic Growth, Springer, vol. 11(1), pages 71-93, 03.
  9. ^ Weede, E. and Kämpf, S. (2002). The Impact of Intelligence and Institutional Improvements on Economic Growth. Kyklos, 55, Fasc. 3, 361–380. (p. 376)
  10. ^ Miller, E. (2002). Differential Intelligence and National Income. A review of IQ and the Wealth of Nations. Journal of Social, Political & Economic Studies, 27, 413–524. (p. 522)
  11. ^ Palairet, M. R. (2004). Book review, IQ and the Wealth of Nations. Heredity, 92, 361–362.
  12. ^ Dickerson, R. E. (2006). "Exponential correlation of IQ and the wealth of nations". Intelligence. 34 (3): 291–295. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2005.09.006. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
  13. ^ Whetzel, D. L. & McDaniel, M. A. (2006). "Prediction of national wealth". Intelligence. 34 (5): 449–458. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2006.02.003. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)PDF
  14. ^ Voracek, M. (2004). "National intelligence and suicide rate: an ecological study of 85 countries". Personality and Individual Differences. 37 (3): 543–553. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2003.09.025. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)
  15. ^ Barber, N. (2005). "Educational and ecological correlates of IQ: A cross-national investigation". Intelligence. 33 (3): 273–284. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2005.01.001. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)
  16. ^ Templer, D. I. and Arikawa, H. (2006). "Temperature, skin color, per capita income, and IQ: An international perspective". Intelligence. 34 (2): 121–139. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2005.04.002. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) see also discussion [1]
  17. ^ Kanazawa, S. (2006). "IQ and the wealth of states". Intelligence. 34 (6): 593–600. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2006.04.003. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)
  18. ^ Hunt, E., Wittmann, W. (in press). "National intelligence and national prosperity". Intelligence. 36: 1. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2006.11.002. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |year= (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |month= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: year (link)
  19. ^ Lynn, R. and Vanhanen, T. (2006). IQ and global inequality. Athens, GA: Washington Summit Books. see also Lynn, R., & Mikk, J. (2007). "National differences in intelligence and educational attainment". Intelligence. In Press, Corrected Proof. (2): 115. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2006.06.001.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  20. ^ Barnett, Susan M. and Williams, Wendy (2004). "National Intelligence and the Emperor's New Clothes". Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books. 49 (4): 389–396. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  21. ^ Heredity April 2004, Volume 92, Number 4, Pages 359–360
  22. ^ Nechyba, T. (2004). Review of IQ and the Wealth of Nations. Journal of Economic Literature, 42, 220–221. (p. 220)
  23. ^ Ervik, A. O. (2003). IQ and the Wealth of Nations. The Economic Journal, 113, No. 488, F406–F407.
  24. ^ [2] Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns
  25. ^ Neisser U (1997). "Rising Scores on Intelligence Tests". American Scientist. 85: 440–7.
  26. ^ Thomas J. Nechyba, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Mar., 2004), pp. 220-221
  27. ^ Astrid Oline Ervik, The Economic Journal, Vol. 113, No. 488, Features (Jun., 2003), pp. F406-F408
  28. ^ The Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking: An Exploration in Experimental Anthropology Gay, Glick and Sharp (1971) made the following observation: "Cultural differences in cognition reside more in the situations to which particular cognitive processes are applied than in the existence of a process in one cultural group, and its absence in another." A similar position is held by Berry in Acculturative Stress 1974 [3]
  29. ^ Educational Handicap, Public Policy, and Social History: A Broadened Perspective on Mental Retardation ISBN 0029279208 Sarason and Doris (1979) view intelligence as a cultural invention that does not hold true across cultures.
  30. ^ Case for Non-Biased Intelligence Testing Against Black Africans Has Not Been Made: A Comment on Rushton, Skuy, and Bons (2004) 1*, Leah K. Hamilton1, Betty R. Onyura1 and Andrew S. Winston International Journal of Selection and Assessment Volume 14 Issue 3 Page 278 – September 2006
  31. ^ Culture-Fair Cognitive Ability Assessment Steven P. Verney Assessment, Vol. 12, No. 3, 303–319 (2005)
  32. ^ Cross-cultural effects on IQ test performance: a review and preliminary normative indications on WAIS-III test performance. Shuttleworth-Edwards AB, Kemp RD, Rust AL, Muirhead JG, Hartman NP, Radloff SE. J Clin Exp Neuropsychol. 2004 Oct;26(7):903-20.
  33. ^ Instruments developed to quantify smartness are culturally based and cannot simply be "transplanted" to a culture with different values (Greenfield, 1997). In Culture as process: Empirical methods for cultural psychology
  34. ^ The attack of the psychometricians. DENNY BORSBOOM. PSYCHOMETRIKA VOL 71, NO 3, 425–440. SEPTEMBER 2006.
  35. ^ Kaniel, S and Fisherman S. (1991). Level of performance and distribution of errors in the progressive matrices test: a comparison of Ethiopian immigrant and native Israeli adolescents. International Journal of Psychology, 26, 25–33 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207599108246847
  36. ^ The intelligence of ethiopian immigrant and israeli adolescents: A comment on kaniel and fisherman, Richard Lynn, International Journal of Psychology, Volume 29, Issue 1 1994 , pages 55 – 56 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207599408246531
  37. ^ Bernahu, Girma (2007). "Black Intellectual Genocide: An Essay Review of IQ and the Wealth of Nations" (PDF). Education Review: 1–28.