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League of Polish Families

The League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin, pronounced [ˈli.ɡa ˈpɔl.skix ˈrɔ.d͡ʑin], LPR) is a social conservative political party in Poland, with many far-right elements in the past.[22][23][24][25][26][27] The party's original ideology was that of the National Democracy movement which was headed by Roman Dmowski, however, in 2006 its leader Roman Giertych distanced himself from that heritage.[28]

League of Polish Families
Liga Polskich Rodzin
LeaderWitold Bałażak[1]
FounderRoman Giertych
Founded30 May 2001
Merger ofNational Democratic Party
National Party
Headquartersul. Hoża 9, 00-528 Warsaw
IdeologyCurrent:
Christian conservatism[2]
Social conservatism[3]
Civic nationalism[4]
Anti-capitalism[5]
Familialism[6]
Pro-Europeanism[7]
Historical:
National democracy[8]
Polish nationalism[9]
National conservatism[10][11][12]
Political Catholicism[13]
Hard Euroscepticism[8]
Political positionRight-wing[14][A]
Historical:
Far-right[15][16][17][18]
ReligionRoman Catholicism
National affiliationCivic Coalition[19]
European affiliationEuropean Christian Political Movement
ColoursSky blue
Anthem"Rota"
Sejm
0 / 460
Senate
0 / 100
European Parliament
0 / 51
Website
www.lpr.pl
^ A: The party is also considered economically left-wing.[20][21]

It was represented in the Polish parliament, forming part of the cabinet of Jarosław Kaczyński[29] until the latter dissolved in September 2007.[30] In the 2007 parliamentary election, it failed to gain the 5% threshold required to enter the Sejm and lost all its seats, even failing to cross the 3% threshold for eligibility to receive government funding. Since then, the party has become a minor political force, but continues to exist.

The All-Polish Youth used to be affiliated with the party as its youth wing, but these two organisations later severed their relations.

History

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The LPR was created just before the elections in 2001 and gained 8% of the vote, giving it 38 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and two seats in the Senate. Its former leader, Roman Giertych, studied Law and History at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. During his career his political alliances have included such Polish National Democrats as Jan Łopuszański, Antoni Macierewicz,[31] Gabriel Janowski.[32]

Roman Giertych reactivated the "All-Polish Youth" (Młodzież Wszechpolska) organisation in 1989, becoming its chairman; he remains honorary chairman. For several years he was a member of the National-Democratic Party (Stronnictwo Narodowo-Demokratyczne) and the National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe), which merged with several other organisations to form the League of Polish Families (Liga Polskich Rodzin, LPR) in 2001.

Roman Giertych's father, Maciej Giertych, also a member of LPR, is a former member of the European Parliament. His grandfather was a member of parliament of the Second Polish Republic prior to World War II from the National Democracy Party. Some sources claim that the LPR owes much of its success to Radio Maryja, a Catholic radio station with a nationalist, ultra-conservative agenda.

The performance of League of Polish Families in the September 2001 elections, has been partly attributed to its well publicized and uncompromising attitude towards the Jedwabne pogrom.[33] During the election campaign Ryszard Bender, one of the LPR founders and leaders, participated in LPR television broadcasts denying the facts of the Jedwabne pogrom of 1941 and accusing President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who participated in commemoration ceremony, that took place in the village of Jedwabne in July 2001, of bowing to Jewish interest groups.[34]

Soon after the election in 2001 a group of deputies separated from LPR, creating a new party known now as Polish Agreement led by Jan Łopuszański and Catholic-National Movement (Ruch Katolicko-Narodowy) led by Antoni Macierewicz.[35][citation needed]

In the 2004 elections to the European Parliament, LPR received 15,2% votes, which gave it 10 out of 54 seats reserved for Poland in the European Parliament. This made the LPR the second-largest party in Poland in that election, second only to the liberal conservative Civic Platform (PO), and well ahead of the then ruling post-communist Democratic Left Alliance, the populist Samoobrona and the conservative Law and Justice (PiS). However, the overall turnout of that election was less than 20% of eligible voters. Thus, the long-term significance of the LPR's strong performance in that election is unclear. In the 2005 elections, LPR again received 8% of votes, but saw its seats reduced from 38 to 34. However, it gained five seats in the Senate, taking it up to seven.

In the 2007 Parliamentary election, it failed to gain the 5% of votes required to enter the Sejm and lost all its seats, in addition to failing meeting the 3% of votes requirement for eligibility to receive government funding. The leader of the party, Roman Giertych, stepped down from his post as the party's leader.

Some present or former members of LPR (including Janusz Dobrosz) and five of its MEPs moved to Forward Poland in 2008/9.

In the 2010s, the party became more moderate and changed its attitude towards the European Union. In parliamentary and presidential elections, it usually supports the candidates of the Civic Platform or the Polish People's Party. In 2019, LPR declared its accession to the European Coalition. Roman Giertych is an active politician in the ruling coalition, and has stated successfully ran for the Sejm in the 2023 Polish parliamentary election as part of the Civic Coalition.

Ideology

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The party was described as belonging to the populist current in European politics, that juxtaposes the 'simple man' and the 'corrupt elite'.[36]

The Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics described the party as clerical-nationalist,[37] the party's agenda combining conservative social values, Christian solidarity and nationalism. Adam Michnik has characterized the groups that formed the party as the heirs of the chauvinist, xenophobic and antisemitic organizations of the pre-war Poland.[38]

The party takes economically anti-capitalist stances,[5] campaigning on re-nationalization of the Polish economy, promoting welfare programs, and strongly opposing cuts in social spending and taxation.[21] Its economic stances are based on the party's own interpretation of the Catholic social teaching.[20] containing many populist as well as socialist policies and proposals.[39]

Economic issues

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Economically, the party takes an interventionist and anti-capitalist stance.[5] It is strongly critical of Balcerowicz Plan, the neoliberal economic reforms that transitioned Polish economy to free-market capitalism in the 1990s. LPR argues that it enrichened very few, creating oligarchs in Poland who formed local "capital empires", called "children of Balcerowicz" by the party. The party contrasts them with the 'victims of Balcerowicz', such as the farmers, unemployed, poor and disadvantaged, who were "were robbed by Balcerowicz financial politics". The party supports economic interventionism and nationalization of the economy - it is strongly opposed to privatization and cuts in social welfare, and calls for expelling foreign firms and capital from the Polish economy. According to political scientists Tomasz Zarycki and George Kolankiewicz, LPR holds "objectively left-wing views on issues such as privatisation, state intervention in the economy and redistribution of wealth", combined with "strong opposition to Polish EU membership and, more generally, a nationalist and anti-cosmopolitan worldview."[40] Similarly, Oliver Kossack argued that LPR is "clearly positioned on the left end of the socio-economic spectrum".[21]

The party supports for the "defense of Polish property" through nationalization of most Polish industries, development of domestic agriculture via state intervention and protectionist measures, as well as creating a economy that would prioritize care for Polish families and the homeless. It claims to be a voice of the disadvantaged groups that became the "losers" of socioeconomic changes in Poland, caused by globalization, privatization and austerity.[41] LPR rejects capitalism as a system that causes the "McDonaldization of the planet"; it also condemns neoliberalism and the tradition of economic liberalism in general as "lumpenliberalism" that is characterized by consumptionism and hedonism rather than serving the needs of the poor and disadvantaged.[42] It postulates the creation of an extensive system of welfare and social protection. Political scientist Tim Bale described LPR as an overtly anti-capitalist party,[5] and Ashley Timidaiski considers the economic ideology of the LPR to be a combination of populism and socialism.[39]

LPR argues that after 1989, Polish economy should have remained state-owned, and made to serve the interests of the Polish nation. The party considers the privatization of crucial industries such as the energy, mining, road and railway industries particularly detrimental to the interests of Polish people. It accused the cabinets that carried out privatization to have sold the Polish economy to foreign capital for personal gain and causing widespread poverty and misery. It also harshly attacked privatization of the armaments industry, concluding that the Polish transition of capitalism was "economic colonialism".[43] It decried privatization as "pathological" and undemocratic, arguing that any kind of privatization should have been voted on in the Sejm. The solution proposed by the party was renationalization of the Polish economy and a creation of investigative committees that would persecute and criminalize "unfair" and "treasonous" cases of privatization and deregulation.[44]

In addition to its support of a state-owned industry, the party also envisioned an extensive spending program that would greatly increase spending on education and healthcare, as well as provide generous subsidies to core industrise as well as research in order to spur innovation. LPR believes that Poland should be self-sufficient in regards to energy and food, and prioritize the development of Polish agriculture. The agricultural proposals of the party include a referendum on banning foreign ownership of arable land in Poland, land reform that would break up large farms in favor of "family farms", as well as a program that would guarantee full employment to the impoverished rural regions. LPR also postulated environmental improvements and development of biofuels in order to guarantee "ecologically high" quality of Polish agricultural products. The party consistently supported farmer protests, and spoke against suppressing them through police intervention.[44]

The party is also highly protectionist, listing protection of Polish economy from foreign capital and competition as one of its main goals. According to LPR, Polish economic regulations favor foreign capital and suppress local industries; the party proposes to reverse the situation by heavily limiting the presence and possibilities of foreign capital in Poland, and introducing a package of reforms that would favor Polish producers over foreign ones. Foreign corporations in Poland are to be obliged to invest at least 50% of their profit from Poland to local economies. The party also attacked what it perceived to be a monopolizaton of the Polish economy, described as an emergence of large corporations and chain stores; LPR particularly called for regulation and extensive taxation of "hypermarkets" and supermarkets, and blamed them for the decline of family stores.[44]

Social issues

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Some of the policies the LPR opposes include: the selling of land to foreigners (especially German expellees), abolishing the draft, legalization of "soft drugs", legalization of abortion, euthanasia, and gay marriage. It supports capital punishment, maintaining universal health care and public education, and supports the withdrawal of Polish troops from Iraq. The LPR also supports the publication of the complete archives of the Polish communist secret police—in other words, full "de-Communization".[citation needed]

The party particularly appealed to voters sympathetic towards traditional social values, the Catholic faith, and the concept of Polish national sovereignty. Its policies also attract some who feel lost in the post-1989 political transformation of the country, although the populist Andrzej Lepper's Samoobrona ("Self Defense"), also speaking out for the 'simple man', menaced by the post 1989 changes[36] thus, appeal more directly to so-called marginalized voters. The press close to the party has published antisemitic articles; some of the Polish politicians like Adam Michnik have been characterized as pink hyenas representing non-Polish interests, assisted by Mossad and “godless, satanical masons propagating nihilism and demoralisation.” Those “dark forces” are said to be fiercely opposed to a Catholic state of the Polish nation.[45]

The party was considered staunchly homophobic,[46] and its opposition to same-sex marriage and several other demands of Polish gays and lesbians has led to condemnation of the party by the European Commission.[47] It was also labelled as antisemitic by some authors.[48][49]

In the 2010s, LPR ceased to arouse controversy and began gradually moving to the centre. The party is no longer xenophobic and Eurosceptic. Its views on religion have also become more moderate.

Stance towards the European Union

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The party was anti-EU. The Economist reported in 2002 that the LPR spreads the word that the EU is a communist conspiracy.[50] Although it was the only significant political force in Poland that unconditionally opposed Polish membership in the European Union (believing that a union controlled by social liberals could never be reformed), after Polish accession to the EU the party participated in European Parliament elections, in order to have actual influence over decisions made regarding Poland. During the 2004 controversy surrounding Rocco Buttiglione (the conservative Italian nominee as European Commissioner for "Justice, Freedom, and Security"), the LPR deputies demanded the dissolution of the parliament, feeling that it was too much under the influence of a homosexual lobby. [citation needed]. In 2004, 31 MEPs from the UK, Poland, Denmark and Sweden formed the new Independence/Democracy, formerly the group for Europe of Democracies and Diversities. The main goals of this group were the rejection of any European Constitution and opposition to any plans for a federal Europe. Currently, LPR is pro-European and considers membership in the European Union as the will of the Polish nation. Although it retains its nationalistic ideology, it mainly supports the EU.

Election results

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Sejm

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Election year # of
votes 		% of
vote 		# of
overall seats won 		+/– Government
2001 1,025,148 7.9 (#6)
38 / 460
 SLD-UP-PSL (2001-2003)
SLD-UP (2003-2005)
SLD-UP-SDPL (2004-2005)
2005 940,762 8.0 (#5)
34 / 460
   4 PiS Minority (2005)
PiS–SRP–LPR (2006-2007)
PiS Minority (2007)
2007 209,171 1.3 (#6)
0 / 460
   34 PO–PSL

Senate

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Election year # of
overall seats won 		+/–
2001
2 / 100
2005
7 / 100
   5
2007
0 / 100
   7

European Parliament

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Election year # of
votes 		% of
vote 		# of
overall seats won 		+/–
2004 969,689 15.9 (#2)
10 / 54
2009 83,754 1.1 (#8)
0 / 50
   10
Running as part of Libertas Poland.

Regional assemblies

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Election year % of
vote 		# of
overall seats won 		+/–
2002 14.4 (#4)
92 / 561
2006 4.7 (#6)
11 / 561
  81
2010
0 / 561
  11
2014 0.3 (#19)
0 / 555
  

Literature

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  • The League of Polish Families between East and West, past and present by Sarah L. de Lange and Simona Guerrab. In: Communist and Post-Communist Studies. Volume 42, Issue 4, December 2009, pp. 527–549

See also

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References

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  1. ^ "Obradował Kongres Ligi Polskich Rodzin". lpr.pl. Archived from the original on 23 September 2010. Retrieved 18 July 2023.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  2. ^ "Roman Giertych on X: "W Teksasie, za zgodą SN, de facto zlikwidowano aborcję. Zmienia się powoli na świecie podejście do tego tragicznego dziedzictwa XX wieku."". Archived from the original on 28 August 2023. Retrieved 28 August 2023.
  3. ^ Freedom in the World 2011: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. December 2011. p. 540. ISBN 9781442209961. Retrieved 12 September 2014.
  4. ^ "Giertych zaczepia Bąkiewicza: "Mój wujek z Kedywu walnąłby ci w łeb". Internauci oburzeni: "Żenujące"; "Niebywałe"". Archived from the original on 28 August 2023. Retrieved 28 August 2023.
  5. ^ a b c d Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". Party Politics. SEI Working Paper. 14 (4). Sussex European Institute: 13. ISSN 1350-4649.
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  7. ^ "Powrót LPR - Popiera Koalicję Europejską". rp.pl. Archived from the original on 18 May 2019. Retrieved 18 May 2019.
  8. ^ a b De Wilde, Pieter; Trenz, Hans-Jörg; Michailidou, Asimina (2013). Contesting Europe: Exploring Euroscepticism in Online Media Coverage. ECPR Press. p. 160. ISBN 978-1907301513. Retrieved 12 September 2014.
  9. ^ Belavusau, Uladzislau (8 October 2013). Freedom of Speech: Importing European and US Constitutional Models in Transitional Democracies. Routledge. p. 158. ISBN 978-1135071981. Retrieved 12 September 2014.
  10. ^ Jean-Michel De Waele; Anna Pacześniak (2012). "The Europeanisation of Poland's Political Parties and Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 131. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1. Archived from the original on 2023-09-08. Retrieved 2020-05-01.
  11. ^ Gwiazda, Anna (2015). Democracy in Poland. Routledge. national conservative League of Polish Families (LPR) had a high percentage of women
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  23. ^ Domenico, Roy Palmer; Hanley, Mark Y. (2006). Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics: L-Z. ISBN 9780313323621. Archived from the original on 8 September 2023. Retrieved 4 March 2015.
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  28. ^ http://serwisy.gazeta.pl/wyborcza/1,34591,3484547.html%7Ctytuł=Dmowskiego[permanent dead link‍] do Ligi bym nie przyjął|opublikowany=gazeta.pl
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  34. ^ Cas Mudde (2005). Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe. London: Routledge. p. 159. ISBN 0-415-35593-1. OCLC 55228719.
  35. ^ de Lange, Sarah L.; Guerra, Simona (December 2009). "The League of Polish Families Between East and West, Past and Present". Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 42 (2): 535 – via JSTOR.
  36. ^ a b Borejsza, Jerzy W.; Ziemer, Klaus; Hułas, Magdalena (2006). Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes in Europe. Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816412. Archived from the original on 8 September 2023. Retrieved 4 March 2015.
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  38. ^ The Polish Witch-Hunt By Adam Michnik. Available at http://www.hacusa.org/NoticedInThePress/2007/NYRB_062807__Michnik_Adam__Poland.doc Archived 2011-03-12 at the Wayback Machine., accessed 23 August 2010.
  39. ^ a b Timidaiski, Ashley Karen (2009). "The development of Poland's right: from reliance on historical rivalries to stable party platforms". Chapel Hill: e University of North Carolina. p. 9. doi:10.17615/33j8-8k77.
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  42. ^ Zając, Ryszard (15 July 2007). "Mapa drogowa Giertycha" (in Polish).
  43. ^ Beichelt, Timm (27 March 2003). "Nationalism and anti-EU mobilization in postsocialist Europe" (PDF). Frankfurt an der Oder: European University Viadrina Frankfurt Oder. p. 5.
  44. ^ a b c Krzysztof Kowalczyk; Jerzy Sielski (2006). Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej (in Polish). Toruń: Dom Wydawniczy DUET. pp. 240–245. ISBN 978-83-89706-84-3.
  45. ^ Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in Europe, legacies and lessons from the twentieth century. By Jerzy W. Borejsza, Klaus Ziemer, Magdalena Hułas, Instytut Historii (Polska Akademia Nauk). p. 365.
  46. ^ Tarrant, Shira (10 December 2007). Men Speak Out. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780203935064. Retrieved 4 March 2015.
  47. ^ "Poland: School Censorship Proposal Threatens Basic Rights - Human Rights Watch". Archived from the original on 5 March 2008. Retrieved 4 March 2015.
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  49. ^ Michlic, Joanna B. (2006). Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press. p. 363. ISBN 978-0-8032-3240-2.
  50. ^ Poland's right-wingers On the rise. The Economist, Dec 12th 2002
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